TATIANA I ALEKSANDER PDF

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Borders and Memory Tatiana Zhurzhenko Introduction: A tale of two cities under the auspices of Aleksander Kwasniewski and the freshly elected Viktor . pdf>, accessed 4 November Revolution flyer FINAL FOR picscobenreatttas.ga in Interwar Japan | Tatjana Jukic ( Zagreb): Revolu- Marie-Josée Lavallée (Montreal): The Reception ( FOY) 'Peaceful Revolution' in Russia | Aleksander Miłosz Panel 4: On. PDF | On Mar 29, , Thibaut Gérard and others published Graphical Abstract. Tatiana Budtova at MINES ParisTech Aleksandr Valerevich Podshivalov.

The border, once an object of Polish — Ukrainian military conflict, today has become a factor of local memory politics. The second section traces the emer- gence of the competing memorial cults of national heroes in inter-war eastern Galicia as well as the construction of respective memorials in both cities.

The third section focuses on the fate of these memorial sites during WWII and in the post-war decades, when the memories of the Polish — Ukrainian conflict were suppressed by the communist authorities. In the fourth section, I analyze the revival of collective memories beginning in the late s, the restoration of the Polish and Ukrainian memorial sites related to Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at It also draws on the analysis of local media and on personal obser- vation of the local commemorative ceremonies and public celebrations in both cities.

In the nineteenth century, Galicia saw a growing competition between Polish and Ukrainian nationalisms. The Jews were the third significant ethnic group in the province; in the cities and small towns they far outnumbered the Ukrai- nians.

While the Poles considered Galicia a part of the future Polish state, the Ukrainians claimed what they saw as their ethnic lands between the San and Zbruch rivers. After having overcome their initial shock, the Poles were able to organize the defense of Lviv. During the November street fights, the Polish side lost men and women, almost half of them gymnasium pupils and university students Filar [] To prevent clashes, a joint Polish — Ukrainian committee, which included a Jewish representative, was established to govern the city.

The compromise did not last for long, however, and on the night of 3 November , the Ukrainians took hold of the city center. As in Lviv, young volunteers, mostly scouts and students, helped to defend their city. On 21 November Lviv also fell into Polish hands. Squeezed from the city, Ukrainian forces laid siege to Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at Kuchabsky In this war, the losses of the Poles were 10, and of the Ukrainians 15,, most of them soldiers Subtelny , In , the Council of Ambassadors of the League of Nations affirmed Polish sover- eignty over eastern Galicia, under the condition that were respected.

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While Ukrainians were represented in Polish politics, their major demands, such as local self-government and a Ukrainian-language university, were not fulfilled. The experience of having pro- claimed a Ukrainian state and fighting for national independence intensified the nationalist mood of the Ukrainians within Galicia. Its members operated underground, organizing sabotage and terror acts against the Polish authorities.

Despite the Ukrainization proclaimed by the Soviet authorities, arrests and deportations to Siberia targeted not only Poles and Jews, but also Ukrainians. Ukrainian nationalists built their hopes for state independence on Hitler, and with the beginning of the German-Soviet war in June , an independent Ukrainian state was proclaimed in Lviv.

But the Nazis did not support these aspirations, and in , the UPA was formed with the aim of assuming military control over the Ukrainian ethnic lands. During — , the Jewish population of Eastern Galicia was exterminated in the Nazi death camps of Sobibor, Belzec and Majdanek, as well as in other ghettos and camps, and in shooting operations often with the help of the local Ukrainians. Polish — Ukrainian tensions in the Nazi-occupied territories of eastern Poland culminated in an outbreak of violence in Volhynia in the summer of , when mass killings of Polish civilians were committed by the UPA and the local Ukrainian population.

In a sort of pre- emptive strike, the Ukrainian nationalists laid claims to the territories that had been con- tested in — and that the Polish government-in-exile hoped to regain after the end of the war.

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Ethnic cleansings expanded to eastern Galicia and other areas of the mixed Ukrainian — Polish settlement. Around , Poles and 10, — 15, Ukrainians died in this conflict Nowa Europa Wschodnia, , 3— 4: As the UPA continued its military actions on Polish territory, the Polish communist authorities had a good excuse for the forceful deportation of the remaining Ukrainian population.

In a Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at The fate of the Polish — Ukrainian borderlands contested for decades by competing nationalisms was decided by the Allies in Yalta and Potsdam; the new Polish — Soviet border became part of the Cold War architecture of Eastern Europe.

Competing nationalisms and contested memories in the inter-war period The Polish — Ukrainian fight for Lviv in has different meanings in the Ukrainian and Polish historical narratives: Thus, during the inter-war period, mutually exclusive collective memories of this event contributed to the consolidation and mass mobilization of the Polish and Ukrainian communities in eastern Galicia.

At the same time, the Ukrainians, a sizable minority in the Second Polish Republic, were frustrated by the failure of their fight for independence and resisted the assimilation policy of the Polish state. In the Polish narrative, they were often portrayed as an internal enemy endangering the territorial integrity of the Polish state. Increasingly nationalist and authoritarian, the inter-war Polish state sought to control — but did not prohibit completely — public manifestations of the Ukrainian national feelings, especially in the form of reli- gious rituals and commemorative ceremonies.

As a result, the two competing commem- orative cultures existed side by side in the inter-war Poland, corresponding to the construction of ethnic and religious identities, while at the same time sharing similar insti- tutional forms, religious ceremonies and public rituals. The memorialization of the victims of the Polish — Ukrainian conflict in Lviv started shortly after the end of the street fights.

Zhurzhenko remains re-buried at the Lychakiv Cemetery, where the city mayor dedicated a special area for this purpose. The reburial ceremonies acquired an important public dimension, turning into a manifestation of collective national feelings. The Ukrainians also buried their fight- ers, but often faced on public manifestation of their grief Vynnyk , 4.

The SMPB initiated the construction of the first memorial on the Lychakiv Cemetery, but the Polish-Bolshevik war interrupted the construction work Nicieja , 81 — In , the city of Lviv announced a call for projects for the Eaglets Cemetery. Sur- prisingly enough, it was not a professional architect, but a young student at the Polytechnic Institute and veteran of the fight for Lviv, Rudolf Indruch, who won the competition. The project skillfully made use of the uneven terrain by proposing three terraces of graves; con- Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at The project also included catacombs, a chapel, a triumphal arch and gate with 12 columns symbolizing the main Polish cities.

However, the project was accomplished rather true to the ideas of Rudolf Indruch, despite his untimely death in The SMPB organized charity events to raise funds; families of the victims, private companies, the Ministry of Military Affairs and the city government all contributed to the project. Between the two world wars, the Eaglets Cemetery became a site of the annual com- memorative ceremonies on the Catholic holiday of All Saints 1 November.

The Eaglets Cemetery, Lviv. The exhumation, selection of the remains and the farewell ceremony staged in Lviv attracted the attention of the whole country and underlined the special place of Lviv in the Polish national imagination cf.

Vynnyk The Ukrainian victims of the conflict were buried in several Lviv cemeteries, including the Lychakiv Cemetery, but unlike the Poles, they could not count on a state-sponsored centralized memorialization project. In the inter-war period, the Yaniv Cemetery hosted more than graves of the Ukrainian Riflemen, who had died in the fight for Lviv Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at Annual mourning gatherings usually took place in June, on the first Sunday after Pentecost — the day the Greek Catholics tradition- ally visit family graves.

This religious ceremony inevitably gained a political dimension under the conditions of Polish dominance. Therefore, the location of the planned memorial had a strong symbolic meaning. Eventually, the monument designed by two Lviv architects was erected in Zasanie; it represented a Polish soldier in front of an obelisk crowned by an eagle prepared to take flight.

This was the Ukrai- nian military cemetery in Pikulice Ukr. Most of the Ukrainian soldiers buried there in the mass graves had died of infectious diseases in the local detention camps. Regardless of their origins, for the local Ukrainians they were martyrs who gave their lives for Ukrainian indepen- dence.

As a religious ceremony though organized by civic organizations , it could not be prohibited by Polish authorities. However, the annual march to Pikulice was not only a religious and commemorative event, which once a year united the local Ukrainian community; it was often an act of public disobedience to Polish rule. Zhurzhenko Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at Ukrainian national symbols such as the trident , the Ukrainian activists sought to turn this ceremony into a political demonstration — for example, by trying to smuggle in the iron crown of thorns, a symbol of Ukrainian victimhood, and put them on the cross Huk , 6 — In his study of the WWI memorials in Western Europe, Winter , 93 reminds us that their initial function was to provide a social framework and legitimation for individual and family grief.

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This is certainly true for the memorials of the Polish — Ukrainian conflict of — , especially for the Polish ones, as the families of the fallen soldiers played an important role in the commemoration projects. For Koselleck , , a modern war memorial serves first of all as a means of identi- fication for the survivors.

The guide to the Eaglets Cemetery published in compared it to a school: Nationalities Papers 9 Pilgrims from far away should come to these graves to learn how to love their Motherland. Those in doubt should come here to strengthen their faith.

As pupils in school uniform lie here, this cemetery is a school, a strange school where children with blond hair and blue eyes teach grey-haired men that life blossoms from a sacrificial death. Greek Catholic priests, the local intelligentsia and political activists used the oppor- tunity to remind the Ukrainians of their hopes for an independent state and the price paid for it; parents and schoolteachers considered such events an instrument of patriotic education.

The competing narratives of — contributed to the consolidation and mobilization of the local ethnic communities in eastern Galicia.

Both the Poles and the Ukrainians performed their commemorative rituals at the graves of their fallen heroes thus establishing a symbolic link to the contested territory. The new border and the politics of forgetting The outbreak of WWII was seen by Ukrainian nationalists as an opportunity to re-establish a Ukrainian state. The war initiated a new, much more brutal phase of the Polish — Ukrainian conflict, which ended with the ethnic homogenization of the borderlands through mass killings and forced resettlements.

The fate of the Eaglets memorial cult, a symbol of Polish patriotism and the Polishness of the kresy wschodnie, reflected these dramatic events. First the eagle, a symbol of Polish dominance, was taken down, and later the rest was cut into pieces Konieczny , One fragment was rescued and hidden for decades by the local Poles; it was used in when the monument was restored. The Eaglets Cemetery in Soviet-occupied Lviv was not significantly damaged during the war; moreover, it became a site of unofficial patriotic manifestations and sym- bolic resistance during the Soviet and later German occupation of Lviv.

According to Nicieja , — , on 1 November , a spontaneous anti-Soviet demonstration took place at the Eaglets Cemetery. As the Eaglets Cemetery could not be transferred to Poland, it was just left to fall into ruin. But the local Poles were not in a position to take care of the memorial; the Soviet authorities tried to prevent them even from making visits to this site on Polish national holidays.

The desperate state of the Eaglets Cemetery was a taboo subject in post-war Poland, as the legitimacy of the communist gov- ernment was closely connected with the new borders of Poland. Pointing to the role of this site for Polish national memory, they appealed to the Council for the Protection of Struggle and Martyrdom Sites, the Min- Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at Despite these efforts the memorial was severely damaged in the course of nearby construction work in August However, these efforts brought no result until the end of the s.

After a long fight with the Ukrainian nationalist underground, Soviet authorities in Lviv remained rather suspicious about any manifestations of Ukrainian nationalism. Some native Ukrainians in Lviv carried on the tradition of visiting the Sich Riflemen graves despite the threat of losing their jobs or being kicked out of the university Risch , — In , the Sich Riflemen graveyard was almost completely destroyed by the authorities.

Viacheslav Chornovil, a Ukrainian dissident who was to become the head of the Lviv regional assembly after , had publicly protested against this act of vandalism. It was eventually destroyed in the early s. In general, WWII and the subsequent decades of communist rule have fundamentally destroyed the commemorative cultures of the traditional ethnic communities in the Ukrai- nian — Polish borderlands.

With the Jewish population having perished in the Holocaust, Jewish cemeteries, synagogues and other sites of memory fell into ruin or were erased in the process of post-war reconstruction; even the smallest traces of Jewish life have dis- appeared Bartov But Polish and Ukrainian local commemorative cultures, too, were profoundly reshaped by the Soviet Ukrainian and Polish communist authorities. On the surface, the memorials of the Polish — Ukrainian conflict of — were aban- doned on both sides of the border as a result of ethnic homogenization politics.

But this amnesia was also the result of a deliberate policy of both the Soviet and the Polish communist authorities. Such a policy apart from fears of subversive Ukrainian national- ism on the Soviet side was meant to secure and legitimize the new Polish — Soviet border.

It was these memories that became the primary target of com- munist politics of forgetting. But these fresh memories of the Polish —Ukrainian conflict overlaid the inter-war memorial cults of the Eaglets and the Sich Riflemen, creating a sort of palimpsest.

The result of the Soviet and Polish communist politics of forgetting was a border without border minorities: Memorials and commemorations of the Polish — Ukrainian conflict after The fall of the communist regime in Poland, the national independence of Ukraine and the opening of the border between the two countries completely changed the situation in the Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at Small cross-border trade and labor migration created new social ties, but at the same time, they reanimated old prejudices and hostilities Hann , — Both Warsaw and Kyiv were irritated by these developments, which they saw as a backlash of archaic nationalism.

Good relations with Ukraine and other eastern neighbors was a political priority of the post-communist Polish leadership seeking integration of their country into the EU and NATO, while for the new Ukrainian state the support of Poland was crucial as a counterbalance to the strong Russian influence.

Therefore, a consensus between Ukrainian and Polish political elites was reached that the difficult past should not become an obstacle for Ukrainian — Polish partnership.

However, Kyiv and Warsaw often find it difficult to impose their political agenda on the local elites. While using positive symbols and inclusive narratives of the past for developing cross- border cooperation and international promotion of their city or region, they re-activate conflicting memories with the aim of boosting local patriotism, provoking their central authority or securing electoral victory.

Such politics often draw on the social frustration of the local population and its feelings of injustice and discrimination related to domestic or international developments. Zhurzhenko Lviv In June , the Polish and Ukrainian ministers of culture discussed the issue of the Eaglets Cemetery for the first time and decided to establish a special bilateral commission; but nobody at that time could imagine the memorial would be completely restored just in a couple of years.

In his article in Rzeczpospolita, the Polish minister of culture Aleksander Krawczuk called on Polish society to accept the fact that the Eaglets Cemetery would never be re-built in its original form and suggested instead to renovate only the chapel, turning it into a collective symbolic grave Nicieja , — While these alterna- tives were discussed in the media, some individuals started to act. In the same spring of , the Polish consul in Lviv discussed the issue of the Eaglets Cemetery with local Ukrainian officials and although no official decision was documented, the Polish side evi- dently received informal permission for reconstruction work Nicieja , — But the recon- struction continued under the auspices of the Council for the Protection of Struggle and Martyrdom Sites; the elements of the inter-war ensemble were restored step by step and the remains of the Polish soldiers were reburied after exhumation.

Meanwhile, with the arrival of Ukrainian independence, the new Lviv authorities became increasingly dissatis- fied with the unsettled status of the memorial and demanded the project documentation be studied by the Ukrainian side. The new director of the Lychakiv Cem- etery, Ihor Havryshkevych, appointed in , gave the order to dismantle the nearly ready memorial. The role of the Lviv intelligentsia in this conflict was rather ambiva- lent.

From the point of view of the Lviv city council, the memorial represented a powerful symbol of the Polish presence in Lviv and a symbolic claim for its Polish identity. This attitude was based on the deeply rooted stereotypes of the older generation, which had grown up with family memories of war violence.

However, anti-Polish resentment was only one of the motives of the Lviv city council. Rather, local Lviv politicians used this opportunity to present themselves as true Ukrainian patriots and, at the same time, to sabo- tage the policies of President Leonid Kuchma, who was extremely unpopular in Western Ukraine Copsey , — A bone of contention, the Eaglets memorial turned into a site of reconciliation as a small group of Lviv liberal intellectuals tried to challenge the anti-Polish sentiments in the city.

It was followed by a joint mass celebrated at the Polish military Cemetery by the cardinals of both the Roman and the Greek Catholic Churches. Ecumenical masses on 1 November have since become a tradition at the Lycha- kiv Cemetery.

At the same time, the Lviv city council expected Pre- sident Yushchenko to take a firm pro-Ukrainian stance in the issue of historical memory and to provide state support financial as well as moral for the restoration of the Ukrainian memorials not only in Western Ukraine, but also on Polish territory.

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To counterbalance the Eaglets memorial symbolically, the Ukrainian side started con- struction of a Cemetery for the Warriors of the Ukrainian Galician Army nearby Figure 3. Built from scratch, the new cemetery became a site for reburials of Ukrainian fighters for independence from to , most notably for UPA soldiers. Inaugurated together with the Eaglets Cemetery as a site of Ukrainian — Polish reconciliation, it serves today rather to buttress the Ukrainian identity of Lviv.

Additionally, the Field of the Honor Graves, another local pantheon of the Ukrainian military and political leaders, has been constructed at the central entrance to the Lychakiv Cemetery, and finally, a new Memorial to the UPA Soldiers has been constructed along its northern wall.

Having accepted the restoration of the Eaglets memorial, Lviv auth- orities are gradually Ukrainianizing the Lychakiv Cemetery, a former Polish necropolis. At the same time, the reinvented commemorative ceremonies at the Eaglets memorial reaffirm the Polish roots of the Lychakiv Cemetery. Saints Day Figure 4. Thousands of candles collected in Poland by schoolchildren, civic associations and volunteers are delivered every year to Lviv and brought to the cemetery, where the members of the local Polish community put them on the graves.

Bringing candles to family graves on the Day of All Saints is a Catholic tradition, which was not welcomed in Lviv in Soviet times. But today, local Ukrainians also visit their family graves on this day, and traffic in the city is paralyzed by the masses of people. However, for the local Poles living in Lviv, this day is more than a religious holiday; it is in fact the main opportunity to perform their Polish identity by taking part in the annual public commemoration at the Eaglets memorial.

Schoolchildren there are two Polish schools in Lviv , activists from local Polish organizations and guests from Poland participate in this ceremony, which is an important event in the national calendar and helps to consolidate the local Polish community.

In the last 10 years, the Eaglets memorial, one of the main sites of Polish memory in Lviv, has become an important destination for nostalgic tourism Cynarski and Cynarska Buses with tourists from Poland arrive especially on weekends and holidays.

They include a visit of the Lviv opera, a walk through the historical center and an obligatory visit to the Lychakiv Cemetery. Polish commemorative action at the Eaglets Cemetery, Lviv, 1 November One of its recent decisions forbids foreign tourist guides from working without a Ukrainian license, thus strengthening municipal control over the local tourist market.

The Lviv council justified the new regulation by practical and administrative concerns, but it was obviously an attempt to establish the hegemony of the Ukrainian narrative of local history.

Competing memories of the Polish — Ukrainian conflict in Lviv not only overlap in space but also clash in time. On the Ukrainian calendar, 1 November is celebrated as a local holiday: This date is commemorated with various events and ceremonies: In recent years, this reinvented inter-war tradition has been made obligatory for students by the rector of Lviv National University. Historical re-enactment near the Lviv City Council, 1 November Ukrainian identity and national independence.

Still, local Poles have mixed feelings about these public ceremonies, and about the new monument to Stepan Bandera, the UPA leader, in the city center. Ukrainian commemorative action at the Yaniv Cemetery, Lviv, 1 November The new location, which is closer to the city center, makes the Eaglets monument a prominent landmark of the urban landscape.

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Most of them had been resettled from the kresy after the war; their deep mistrust of the Ukrainians was shaped by post-war propaganda and family experiences of Polish — Ukrainian violence. Although not very numerous and scarcely represented in politics, this group managed to mobilize public opinion in the city against the local Ukrainian community.

Zhurzhenko openly sided with the nationalists and even criticized their violent methods, but they actu- ally considered their activities to be an expression of local public opinion Hann , On 11 November, the Day of National Independence, an official commemorative ceremony takes place in front of the Downloaded by [Tatiana Zhurzhenko] at It starts with a military parade and continues with speeches by local poli- ticians, elements of a Catholic mass, the performance of patriotic songs and finally a mili- tary salute.

Local AK veterans, members of the association of deportees to Siberia, patriotic youth organizations, scouts and pupils of local schools and colleges march from the Rynek city center to the monument across the bridge, carrying the flags and banners of their institutions.

While reminding the Polish majority of the multicultural composition of the city, they at the same time demonstrate their loyalty to the Polish state.

The harcerzy Polish scouts also celebrate their ceremonies near the monument. For them, the monument is not just a reminder of the Polish — Ukrainian rivalry, but also a symbol of the politics of Polonization in inter-war and post-war Poland.

Abandoned after WWII, it was reconstructed in the late s by a group of Ukrainian enthusiasts with the permission of the local at that time still communist authorities. Zhurzhenko nationalism. The conflict emerged later, when in the summer of , 47 UPA soldiers whose remains were exhumed in the nearby woods were reburied at the Pikulice graveyard. Some of them died in in a fight near Bircza, while others were sentenced to death by a Polish military tribunal in The Council for the Protection of Struggle and Martyrdom Sites officially per- mitted the reburial, but ordered the removal of the memorial plaques installed by local Ukrainians on their own initiative.

The idea of reintroducing the inter-war tradition of marches to the Pikulice Cemetery on the Sunday after Pentecost was first discussed among the local Ukrainian activists in , but initially did not seem realistic.

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Tatiana la Baby Flow letra. Petit message de Tatiana: Entretien avec Alexander Djiku.Neoplatonic ideas, which were the basis of his lyrics, transformed into a Romantic concept of the world duality. Thursday, October 5 Since the lovers are parted, the focus is on historical events, not melodrama.

As to the nuptial experience — the incident that foreshadowed the mystical union —, see The Life, The first phase is the collapse of the classical empires and the rise of the USSR and of Nazi Germany, both striving for territorial expansion.

Between Commitment and Criticism. Thomas Caffarini is slightly temperate when he claims that the saint survived for weeks, even for months on the host alone, and by the end of her life she lived in this condition for almost a year. At the same time, left politicians see the discussion as being manipulated by the right wing parties and consider it an attempt to compromize Italian anti-fascism and resistance.

Vauchez, Sainthood,

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